Of Land, People and Security By Wasbir Hussain The need is for a comprehensive dialogue with Bangladesh... Dhaka must be made to understand India's security concerns, which are difinitely linked to the migration issue. At a discussion in a recent international meet in Colombo on how demographic `invasions' in South Asia are impacting on the region's internal security, a leading Bangladeshi scholar said people from her country would rather make the Western nations their destination, and would certainly not go to a poor, underdeveloped region such as India's Northeast. The problem lies with Bangladeshis taking such a position - that the Northeast has no economic incentive for their people - despite being aware of the ground realities. This is general Bangladeshi position except for a few who admit that "some migration" to Assam has indeed taken place. Again, Bangladeshi think-tanks like to point out that migration is a normal and natural phenomenon and cannot be stopped. They would even like New Delhi to treat anyone who has come into India, even if illegally, from a `humanitarian' point of view. But, if the illegal infiltration from across the border reduces the tribal population in Tripura to a minority, giving rise to major ethnic insurgencies, or forces Assam's entire politics to revolve round the issue of citizenship with fears of the indigenous population being overwhelmed by the aliens, one cannot sit back and watch. It is in this context that the Vajpayee Government's recent move to repeal the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act, 1983, needs to be viewed. The Bill introduced in the last session of Parliament by the Deputy Prime Minister, L. K. Advani, says: "The detection and expulsion of illegal migrants under the Act has been very tardy. The operation of the Act in Assam alone has been hurting the Assamese psyche and is one of the contributing factors for the feeling of alienation in Assam. It has, therefore, been decided to repeal the Act so that the Foreigners Act, 1946, which is applicable throughout the territory of India also becomes operative in the State of Assam to expedite detection and deportation of illegal migrants." As the ruling NDA does not command a majority in the Rajya Sabha, it may have to take recourse to a joint session of Parliament to get the Act repealed. But, will the repeal of the IM (DT) Act and its replacement by the Foreigners Act, 1946, solve the issue of illegal migration? The answer is a certain no. The IM (DT) Act is cumbersome. A complainant has to pay a fee to lodge a complaint against a suspected illegal migrant under the Act. Once the Foreigners Act, 1946, comes to be applied in Assam, the police can swing into action, issue notices to suspected Bangladeshi nationals or any other illegal migrant and gather thousands of such people of doubtful citizenship with `proof'. Will that solve the problem? The answer unfortunately would still be no. Whilethe law-makers are free to get a piece of legislation repealed and replace it with something they think is going to work and protect the nation's interests, the key question is : will Bangladesh accept those identified as illegal migrants from that country as its citizens? Dhaka has been denying any illegal migration into India. Can New Delhi then dump such people on the border and push them into Bangladesh? What if Bangladesh pushes them back? The cycle will go on. The need, therefore, is for a comprehensive dialogue with Bangladesh. New Delhi must convince Dhaka of two things: that illegal migration from country is indeed taking place and that it is a case of economic migration. It needs to be tackled jointly by the two neighbours.Dhaka must also be made to understand India's security concerns, which are definitely linked to the migration issue. When the ULFA was formed in 1979 with the aim of achieving a `sovereign, socialist Assam,' the rebel leaders thought that a democratic movement to protect Assam's interests by organisations as the AASU would not pressure New Delhi enough. It was widely expected thatthe ULFA rebels would throw their weight behind the movement against illegal migration into Assam. But by 1990, when the ULFA started facing the counter-insurgency heat, its leaders and cadres crossed over to Bangladesh and opened shop there. And the ULFA's stand on illegal migration underwent a radical change, more perhaps, for `military needs.' By 1992, ULFA started saying the migrants of East Bengal origin have now become a `major part of the national life' of Assam. In such a scenario, the priority for New Delhi should be to plug the inflow of illegal migrants, detect the post-March 25, 1971 (the cut-off date for detection and expulsion of the aliens as stipulated in the Assam Accord) migrants and convince Dhaka to take them back. A more practical approach would perhaps be to plug the flow and pursue a policy of assimilation, as the former Asom Sahitya Sabha (Assam's apex socio-literary body) chief, Homen Borgohain, pushed for, by recognising the migrants who are already in as an integral part of the greater Assamese society. (The writer is Associate Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi)